Wythnos yma yn y Senedd 23 Tachwedd
Ar ddydd Mawrth 20 Tachwedd, gwnaeth y Gweinidog dros Addysg a Sgiliau ddatganiad ar Ddarparu Gwasanaethau Addysg yng Nghymru yn y Dyfodol:
http://www.assemblywales.org/cy/bus-home/bus-chamber-fourth-assembly-rop.htm?act=dis&id=240711&ds=11/2012
Mae’r datganiad yn mynegi bwriad y Gweinidog i drawsnewid yn llwyr y strwythur o ddarparu gwasanaethau addysg.
Bydd adolygiad o ddarpariaeth gwasanaethau addysg yn cael ei gwblhau diwedd mis Mawrth 2013:
“The review will consider whether schools should be directly funded by Welsh Ministers, and/or whether there is scope for co-operative ownership of schools at a local level, combining secondary schools and the primary schools in their clusters, with shared systems of governance, which could mean reforming the system known as local management of schools. Such a system could operate in tandem with any of the proposals outlined above for regional delivery of education services. I have not ruled anything in or out, but the time is right for a full review and, obviously, the consequence of potential change would need to be considered.”
Dywedodd Simon Thomas ei fod yn cadw meddwl agored ar y ffordd ymlaen ond bod angen ymgynghoriad llawn:
“Rydym yn agored i weithredu fel plaid genedlaethol; rydym eisiau gweld gweithredu cenedlaethol ar y materion hyn, ac rydym eisiau gweld darpariaeth leol sy’n atebol i bobl leol. Mae cael y cydbwysedd yn iawn yn bwysig i ni, a byddem eisiau gweld y broses yn cael ei ymgynghori arni yn drwyadl gan y Llywodraeth.”
Mynegodd bryder ynglŷn â’r ffaith bod y Gweinidog yn rhoi’r bai ar y consortia addysg bod methiant wedi bod yn y ddarpariaeth o wasanaethau addysg ac atgoffodd y Gweinidog o’i eiriau ei hun yn nadl Plaid Cymru pythefnos ynghynt ar wella addysg a rôl y consortia:
“Cawsom ddadl bythefnos yn ôl ar y consortia rhanbarthol. Ni ddywedodd y Gweinidog unrhyw beth bryd hynny bod y ddarpariaeth yn ysbeidiol neu’n ‘patchy’; roedd yn trio dadlau bod y system yn gweithio. Bydd sawl un ar lefel awdurdod lleol mewn penbleth heddiw, ac rwyf yn gallu cydymdeimlo â hwy, achos maent yn ceisio rhoi ar waith yr hyn mae’r Gweinidog yn ofyn amdano ar hyn o bryd, sef y ddarpariaeth ranbarthol, ond mae fel pe bai’r Gweinidog yn awr yn tynnu’r rug ac yn dweud, ‘Na, rydym yn symud ymlaen at ddarpariaeth ranbarthol wahanol neu at ddarpariaeth genedlaethol’.”
Dywedodd hefyd na ddylid defnyddio addysg fel arbrawf er mwyn diwygio llywodraeth leol:
“The final thing to say, Minister, is that I suspect that the Welsh Labour Government is using education as the wedge to drive through local government reform. I think that that is the wrong way to go about it.”
This week in the Senedd 23 November
On Tuesday 20 November the Minister for Education and Skills made a statement on The Future Delivery of Education Services in Wales:
http://www.assemblywales.org/bus-home/bus-chamber-fourth-assembly-rop.htm?act=dis&id=240723&ds=11%2F2012#dataddysg
In this statement the Minister expresses his intention to transform the delivery of education services in Wales.
There is to be a review on the delivery of education services which is to report at the end of March 2013:
“The review will consider whether schools should be directly funded by Welsh Ministers, and/or whether there is scope for co-operative ownership of schools at a local level, combining secondary schools and the primary schools in their clusters, with shared systems of governance, which could mean reforming the system known as local management of schools. Such a system could operate in tandem with any of the proposals outlined above for regional delivery of education services. I have not ruled anything in or out, but the time is right for a full review and, obviously, the consequence of potential change would need to be considered.”
Simon Thomas stated that the Party of Wales will be keeping an open mind on the way forward but that it should be subject to a full consultation:
“We are open to working as a national party; we want to see action taken at a national level on these matters, and we want to see local provision that is accountable to local people. Getting that balance right is important to us, and we would want to see that process being consulted upon thoroughly by the Government.”
He expressed his concern regarding the Minister’s attempt to blame regional education consortia for failures to deliver education services and reminded the Minister of his own words during the Party of Wales’ debate on school improvement and the role of the consortia a fortnight previously:
“We had a debate a fortnight ago on the regional consortia. The Minister did not say at that point that the provision was patchy; he was trying to tell us that the system was working. A number of people at local authority level will be confused today and I can sympathise with them because they are trying to put in place what the Minister has requested, namely regional provision, and now the Minister seems to be pulling the rug from under them and saying, ‘No, we are moving towards a different sort of regional provision or even national provision’.”
He also stated that education should not be used as an experiment to drive through local government reform:
“The final thing to say, Minister, is that I suspect that the Welsh Labour Government is using education as the wedge to drive through local government reform. I think that that is the wrong way to go about it.”
Friday 23 November 2012
Wednesday 17 October 2012
Dadl Cynulliad ar Forglawdd Hafren/Debate on Severn Barrage
Dyma nodiadau ar gyfer araith ar ynni o aber Hafren yn y Cynulliad.
Here are my speech notes for the debate on energy from the Severn estuary today. English follows.
1. Yn cydnabod y potensial i gynhyrchu ynni adnewyddadwy o Aber Afon Hafren a phwysigrwydd prosiect o’r fath i Lywodraeth Cymru o ran cyflawni ei thargedau ynni adnewyddadwy, yn ogystal â’r potensial i greu cyflogaeth a chyfleoedd hyfforddi; a
2. Yn credu, wrth ddatblygu ynni o’r fath, y dylid dylunio’r dechnoleg i echdynnu’r ynni gan sicrhau ei fod yn cael yr effaith amgylcheddol leiaf bosibl, cyn belled ag sy’n rhesymol ymarferol a chymesur.
Fy mhwrpas wrth agor yw gwyntyllu’r posibiliadau ar gyfer datblygu trydan o lif y dwr ym mor Hafren ac i drafod rol y Cynulliad hwn, fel Senedd Cymru, a rol llywodraeth Cymru.
Cefndir y ddadl hon wrth gwrs yw’r angen dirfawr i sefydlu economi carbon isel yng Nghymru. Dyma amcanion rwy’n eu cefnogi ond mae problemau datblygu ynni gwynt; anhawsterau a goblygiadau datblygu nwy “shale” a chwestiynau ynghylch dyfodol ynni niwclear yn sgil damwain Fukushima ac amharodrwydd cwmniau i fuddsoddi arian preifat yn y diwydiant niwclear y nein gorfodi i ystyried pa adnoddau naturiol sydd gennym yng Nghymru a all ddarparu’r “baseload” dibynadwy mae unrhyw economi carbon isel ei angen.
Mae’n briodol fod y ddadl yn cyd-daro gyda thrafodaeth adroddiad y Pwyllgor Amgychedd a Chynialdwyedd ar bolisi ynni a chynllunio, gan y bydd angen gweithredu ar argymhellion y pwyllgor hwnnw i wireddu economi carbon isel.
Yma, o fewn tafliad carreg llythrennol i’r Senedd, ceir un o adnoddau ynni mwya pwerus yn y byd.
Mae gan afon Hafren y cerrynt llanw mwya ym Mhrydain. Yn ol y Comisiwn Datblygu Cynaladwy byrhoedlog, mae potensial cynhyrchu 10% o holl drydan y DG pe defnyddir y llanw yn llawn.
Mae hynny’n enfawr, digon i fod yn gynsail “baseload” i chwyldro gwyrdd adnewyddol go iawn.
O’r herwydd bu’r afon yn destun ymchwil difrifol i’w hadnoddau ers 1981 o leia.
Yn fwy diweddar, bu astudiaeth diocholdeb llawn gan lywodraeth y DG.
Casgliad yr astudiaeth hon oedd y byddai morglawdd Hafren yn cynhyrchu 5% o holl drydan y DG; yn costio tau £34b o bunnoedd; bod a bywyd gweithredu o tua 120 o flynyddoedd a chyda sgileffeithiau amgylcheddol sylweddol iawn, iawn.
Penderfyniad llywodraeth y DG y pryd hynny yn 2010 oedd i beidio a bwrw ymlaen ag arian cyhoeddus i forglawdd, gan y byddai cynlluniau amrywiol eraill carbon isel yn well i’r pwrs cyhoeddus.
Ers hynny bu newid yn y lliw gwleidydol yn San Steffan a bu oedi ac arafu amlwg yn y cynlluniau ynni adnewyddol llai ac amrwyiol hynny yng ngymru, wrth ini ddadlau o hyd am effaith TAN 8.
Ni welaf fod y cynllun diweddar i ddatblygu ynni gwynt yn Iwerddon, a’u trosglwyddo drwy Gymru i’r grid cenedlaethol, yn cynrychioli budd sylweddol i economi Cymru chwaith.
Ers hynny hefyd, mae cwmni Hafren Power wedi mynegu diddordeb datblygu morgladd heb geiniog o arian cyhoeddus uniongyrchol, ond yn hytrach ar sail y cynlluniau presennol i gefnogi prisoedd trydan o ynni adnewyddol – y Contract for Difference.
Cyn bo hir felly, mae’n bosib y bydd rhaid i ni fel Senedd a’r llywodraeth ymateb i gynllun o’r fath a dangos ein cefnogaeth ai peidio.
Now yesterday, the FM expressed very clearly to me that he wished to see his government gain full planning powers of all renewable energy projects in Wales. I welcome his conversion to our cause.
Previously, to both myself and Leanne Wood, he has stated that any barrage scheme in the Severn would be a matter for the Westminster government.
I hope today to persuade the Minister, and then hear from him, that this is a key issue for the Welsh government and that is it right and proper for the Welsh government to take an active role in considering Hafren Power’s plans and in coming to a view on them.
I also hope to persuade fellow members that we as a Welsh parliament should come to a view if possible.
I don’t expect to do that today, but I hope this motion will help us all frame the debate going forward.
If we briefly consider Hafren Power’s current proposals we get a sense of the importance of tidal energy from the Severn not only to the Welsh economy but to the countries on these islands as a whole.
The Barrage will provide around 6,500 MW installed capacity with an energy output of 15 – 16.4 TWh / year which is approximately 5% of the UK’s annual electricity demand.
It will be deliver a reliable source of base load power generation for 120 years whilst complementing the UK energy mix and offshore wind strategy at a cost less than that of offshore wind.
The Renewable Energy Route Map for Wales (Pub. 2008; CMK-22-03-128; G/596/08-08) refers to the ‘tidal power in the Severn Estuary with its immense potential’ (para 4.12). It then continues in para 4.14 by saying ‘allocating a national half the output of any major Severn barrage to Wales and half to the South West of England’. This will equate to an electrical energy generated of around 8TWh (e) / yr to Wales.
Such an output would meet and indeed exceed the Welsh government’s current target of 7TWh by 2020.
This target is itself currently way off target.
The contribution it could make to renewable energy would be immense, and in providing a reliable baseload, it could also unlock the further development of more intermittent technologies.
Hafren Power’s current estimate of the investment needed is at at least £25bn, to be funded, they say, from private finance and sovereign wealth funds, and based on both equity and debt.
Some understand from the UK government of the continuing arrangements of support for renewable electricity prices would be essential therefore.
It’s worth noting that this is precisely the same arrangement that any privately constructed nuclear powers stations, at least one of which is proposed on the Severn, requires.
Using just one estimation, that prepared for the UK Contractors Group, for each £1 invested in construction, we could expect £2.84 in total economic activity.
During the construction period alone, the Barrage will create over 200,000 employment years equating to approximately 28,500 new jobs.
Post-barrage construction, these levels of employment are expected to be maintained and even enhanced by the strengthening of the manufacturing base at, for example, Port Talbot and Baglan. There will be real potential to work in a targeted way to make sure economic benefit is targeted.
Supply chain jobs would also be significant, such as those involved in aggregates and transport which would directly benefit from the scheme.
For Wales, such a project could be completely transformational.
But only if we actively engage and don’t bury our heads in the Severn mudflats
Now, I personally believe we must try and utlise the Severn’s immense power. I am not wedded to a particular technology, though I will discuss shortly the undoubted significant environmental impacts of a barrage. Tidal lagoons have also been proposed, but this may not be an either/or choice.
What I do feel strongly about is that we in Wales should maximise for our benefit the investment that any tidal development would bring.
We should use it to strengthen our skills set; to build up our universities; to enrich our role in the world in sustainability and in giving our young people a green economy.
We should approach it in partnership with England and Westminster, not in competition, but neither should be let this development or any other, be decided and run for the benefit of the UK government.
I want to hear today from the Minister a clear declaration that this government will fight to ensure that tidal developments are are jointly shared with Westminster and that Wales can use Severn power to build up our own sovereign wealth.
It’s too early for details, but I also want to put on record that I believe any such development should have strong community benefits and a way of reinvesting in our green economy.
But it’s not just for Government. As a parliament, we also should make our voices heard and say that we want our say also.
A barrage would literally change the face of Wales. It could change our economy. It would attract investment to a particular area. There are dangers and risks for Wales as well as huge potential. All these need to be explored in our democratic institutions.
As does the immense environmental impact.
The 2010 feasibility study found that even smaller barrage schemes would have an unrecedented impact in an environmentally designated area and that compensation for the damage would be very challenging
It found that habitats including saltmarsh and mudflat would be lost, potentially reduce bird populations of up to 30 species and severe effects on fish populations, with local extinctions and population collapses for some species, including Atlantic salmon and Twaite shad.
Water levels would also be affected creating an increased flood risk both around the Severn and further afield which would need additional investment in flood defences
Now many of these effects will be governed by EU regulations, such as the Habitats Directive.
It is clear to me that large compensatory habitats will have to be created in the vicinity.
There is also much work that needs to be done on the effect of the barrage on fish movements, water quality, sediment build up and coastal erosion.
This will entail a whole ecosystem approach.
I would like to ask the Minsiter what role and responsibilities he believes the Weslh government would have in all this, as it is unclear to me where the boundaries lie.
Clearly, a Severn barrage or even several tidal lagoons, would change for ever the current ecology of the river. No energy developments are without any ecological impact however. The question will be, does the immense energy produced justify the impact on such a distinct environment and can we put in place mitigation and compensatory measures that will ensure a living, diverse ecology continues – albeit changed – around the Severn estuary.
We can’t answer all these questions today but I hope our backbench debate demonstrates that we as elected representatives will demand and discuss any barrage proposals thoroughly and without prejudice.
Here are my speech notes for the debate on energy from the Severn estuary today. English follows.
1. Yn cydnabod y potensial i gynhyrchu ynni adnewyddadwy o Aber Afon Hafren a phwysigrwydd prosiect o’r fath i Lywodraeth Cymru o ran cyflawni ei thargedau ynni adnewyddadwy, yn ogystal â’r potensial i greu cyflogaeth a chyfleoedd hyfforddi; a
2. Yn credu, wrth ddatblygu ynni o’r fath, y dylid dylunio’r dechnoleg i echdynnu’r ynni gan sicrhau ei fod yn cael yr effaith amgylcheddol leiaf bosibl, cyn belled ag sy’n rhesymol ymarferol a chymesur.
Fy mhwrpas wrth agor yw gwyntyllu’r posibiliadau ar gyfer datblygu trydan o lif y dwr ym mor Hafren ac i drafod rol y Cynulliad hwn, fel Senedd Cymru, a rol llywodraeth Cymru.
Cefndir y ddadl hon wrth gwrs yw’r angen dirfawr i sefydlu economi carbon isel yng Nghymru. Dyma amcanion rwy’n eu cefnogi ond mae problemau datblygu ynni gwynt; anhawsterau a goblygiadau datblygu nwy “shale” a chwestiynau ynghylch dyfodol ynni niwclear yn sgil damwain Fukushima ac amharodrwydd cwmniau i fuddsoddi arian preifat yn y diwydiant niwclear y nein gorfodi i ystyried pa adnoddau naturiol sydd gennym yng Nghymru a all ddarparu’r “baseload” dibynadwy mae unrhyw economi carbon isel ei angen.
Mae’n briodol fod y ddadl yn cyd-daro gyda thrafodaeth adroddiad y Pwyllgor Amgychedd a Chynialdwyedd ar bolisi ynni a chynllunio, gan y bydd angen gweithredu ar argymhellion y pwyllgor hwnnw i wireddu economi carbon isel.
Yma, o fewn tafliad carreg llythrennol i’r Senedd, ceir un o adnoddau ynni mwya pwerus yn y byd.
Mae gan afon Hafren y cerrynt llanw mwya ym Mhrydain. Yn ol y Comisiwn Datblygu Cynaladwy byrhoedlog, mae potensial cynhyrchu 10% o holl drydan y DG pe defnyddir y llanw yn llawn.
Mae hynny’n enfawr, digon i fod yn gynsail “baseload” i chwyldro gwyrdd adnewyddol go iawn.
O’r herwydd bu’r afon yn destun ymchwil difrifol i’w hadnoddau ers 1981 o leia.
Yn fwy diweddar, bu astudiaeth diocholdeb llawn gan lywodraeth y DG.
Casgliad yr astudiaeth hon oedd y byddai morglawdd Hafren yn cynhyrchu 5% o holl drydan y DG; yn costio tau £34b o bunnoedd; bod a bywyd gweithredu o tua 120 o flynyddoedd a chyda sgileffeithiau amgylcheddol sylweddol iawn, iawn.
Penderfyniad llywodraeth y DG y pryd hynny yn 2010 oedd i beidio a bwrw ymlaen ag arian cyhoeddus i forglawdd, gan y byddai cynlluniau amrywiol eraill carbon isel yn well i’r pwrs cyhoeddus.
Ers hynny bu newid yn y lliw gwleidydol yn San Steffan a bu oedi ac arafu amlwg yn y cynlluniau ynni adnewyddol llai ac amrwyiol hynny yng ngymru, wrth ini ddadlau o hyd am effaith TAN 8.
Ni welaf fod y cynllun diweddar i ddatblygu ynni gwynt yn Iwerddon, a’u trosglwyddo drwy Gymru i’r grid cenedlaethol, yn cynrychioli budd sylweddol i economi Cymru chwaith.
Ers hynny hefyd, mae cwmni Hafren Power wedi mynegu diddordeb datblygu morgladd heb geiniog o arian cyhoeddus uniongyrchol, ond yn hytrach ar sail y cynlluniau presennol i gefnogi prisoedd trydan o ynni adnewyddol – y Contract for Difference.
Cyn bo hir felly, mae’n bosib y bydd rhaid i ni fel Senedd a’r llywodraeth ymateb i gynllun o’r fath a dangos ein cefnogaeth ai peidio.
Now yesterday, the FM expressed very clearly to me that he wished to see his government gain full planning powers of all renewable energy projects in Wales. I welcome his conversion to our cause.
Previously, to both myself and Leanne Wood, he has stated that any barrage scheme in the Severn would be a matter for the Westminster government.
I hope today to persuade the Minister, and then hear from him, that this is a key issue for the Welsh government and that is it right and proper for the Welsh government to take an active role in considering Hafren Power’s plans and in coming to a view on them.
I also hope to persuade fellow members that we as a Welsh parliament should come to a view if possible.
I don’t expect to do that today, but I hope this motion will help us all frame the debate going forward.
If we briefly consider Hafren Power’s current proposals we get a sense of the importance of tidal energy from the Severn not only to the Welsh economy but to the countries on these islands as a whole.
The Barrage will provide around 6,500 MW installed capacity with an energy output of 15 – 16.4 TWh / year which is approximately 5% of the UK’s annual electricity demand.
It will be deliver a reliable source of base load power generation for 120 years whilst complementing the UK energy mix and offshore wind strategy at a cost less than that of offshore wind.
The Renewable Energy Route Map for Wales (Pub. 2008; CMK-22-03-128; G/596/08-08) refers to the ‘tidal power in the Severn Estuary with its immense potential’ (para 4.12). It then continues in para 4.14 by saying ‘allocating a national half the output of any major Severn barrage to Wales and half to the South West of England’. This will equate to an electrical energy generated of around 8TWh (e) / yr to Wales.
Such an output would meet and indeed exceed the Welsh government’s current target of 7TWh by 2020.
This target is itself currently way off target.
The contribution it could make to renewable energy would be immense, and in providing a reliable baseload, it could also unlock the further development of more intermittent technologies.
Hafren Power’s current estimate of the investment needed is at at least £25bn, to be funded, they say, from private finance and sovereign wealth funds, and based on both equity and debt.
Some understand from the UK government of the continuing arrangements of support for renewable electricity prices would be essential therefore.
It’s worth noting that this is precisely the same arrangement that any privately constructed nuclear powers stations, at least one of which is proposed on the Severn, requires.
Using just one estimation, that prepared for the UK Contractors Group, for each £1 invested in construction, we could expect £2.84 in total economic activity.
During the construction period alone, the Barrage will create over 200,000 employment years equating to approximately 28,500 new jobs.
Post-barrage construction, these levels of employment are expected to be maintained and even enhanced by the strengthening of the manufacturing base at, for example, Port Talbot and Baglan. There will be real potential to work in a targeted way to make sure economic benefit is targeted.
Supply chain jobs would also be significant, such as those involved in aggregates and transport which would directly benefit from the scheme.
For Wales, such a project could be completely transformational.
But only if we actively engage and don’t bury our heads in the Severn mudflats
Now, I personally believe we must try and utlise the Severn’s immense power. I am not wedded to a particular technology, though I will discuss shortly the undoubted significant environmental impacts of a barrage. Tidal lagoons have also been proposed, but this may not be an either/or choice.
What I do feel strongly about is that we in Wales should maximise for our benefit the investment that any tidal development would bring.
We should use it to strengthen our skills set; to build up our universities; to enrich our role in the world in sustainability and in giving our young people a green economy.
We should approach it in partnership with England and Westminster, not in competition, but neither should be let this development or any other, be decided and run for the benefit of the UK government.
I want to hear today from the Minister a clear declaration that this government will fight to ensure that tidal developments are are jointly shared with Westminster and that Wales can use Severn power to build up our own sovereign wealth.
It’s too early for details, but I also want to put on record that I believe any such development should have strong community benefits and a way of reinvesting in our green economy.
But it’s not just for Government. As a parliament, we also should make our voices heard and say that we want our say also.
A barrage would literally change the face of Wales. It could change our economy. It would attract investment to a particular area. There are dangers and risks for Wales as well as huge potential. All these need to be explored in our democratic institutions.
As does the immense environmental impact.
The 2010 feasibility study found that even smaller barrage schemes would have an unrecedented impact in an environmentally designated area and that compensation for the damage would be very challenging
It found that habitats including saltmarsh and mudflat would be lost, potentially reduce bird populations of up to 30 species and severe effects on fish populations, with local extinctions and population collapses for some species, including Atlantic salmon and Twaite shad.
Water levels would also be affected creating an increased flood risk both around the Severn and further afield which would need additional investment in flood defences
Now many of these effects will be governed by EU regulations, such as the Habitats Directive.
It is clear to me that large compensatory habitats will have to be created in the vicinity.
There is also much work that needs to be done on the effect of the barrage on fish movements, water quality, sediment build up and coastal erosion.
This will entail a whole ecosystem approach.
I would like to ask the Minsiter what role and responsibilities he believes the Weslh government would have in all this, as it is unclear to me where the boundaries lie.
Clearly, a Severn barrage or even several tidal lagoons, would change for ever the current ecology of the river. No energy developments are without any ecological impact however. The question will be, does the immense energy produced justify the impact on such a distinct environment and can we put in place mitigation and compensatory measures that will ensure a living, diverse ecology continues – albeit changed – around the Severn estuary.
We can’t answer all these questions today but I hope our backbench debate demonstrates that we as elected representatives will demand and discuss any barrage proposals thoroughly and without prejudice.
Tuesday 22 May 2012
Payday loans - submission to Office of Fair Trading consultation
Introduction
Taking into account the fact that wages have been frozen in many sectors, unemployment is on the increase and the cost of living increasing all the time it is of little wonder that more and more people are turning to quick-fix loans.
On the floor of the Senedd (National Assembly of Wales) I put forward a motion that noted the increase in the number of high interest payday loans being taken out and the increased ease of access to such accounts. It called for the government and local authorities to work with the third sector to offer viable alternatives to such companies and to alert citizens to the real cost of the loans offered. The motion got cross-party support and was carried unanimously.
Background
In my work with with advice groups it had become clear that the number of cases of people taking out payday loans has increased. The CAB notes that nationally some 4% of their debt clients now have payday loans, compared to 1% in early 2009. Here in Wales, in 2010-2011 Powys CAB negotiated nearly £9million of debt on behalf of clients. A third of this - £2.7 million – was unsecured personal loans.
There is also an increase in the number of people using payday loans to pay for other loans and to deal with financial difficulty they are already experiencing. Due to the high interest rate of payday loans there have been cases of people taking out multiple loans, suing one to pay for the other, ending with their debt spiralling out of control.
The CAB have noted that they have had cases where people come in, and they have paid off a payday loan with another payday loan, one man found himself with six loans and owing close to £4,000.
CAB notes that 40% of people coming to them with payday loan debt have another high-cost credit loan and on average, those with payday loans tended to have eight loans in total while those not using payday loans had a total of five debts. It seems therefore that that people facing long-term financial difficulty with other debs are more likely to take out a payday loan to try and deal with these problems.
Marketing of payday loans
It is easy to come across advertisement of such loans they feature on peak time commercial breaks on some of the most watched television programmes and are seen by many on social networking sites, including young people.
All these advertisements highlight how easy it is to get hold of a loan, how quickly the money will be in the bank and the amount paid back is mentioned in £20s or £30s, making it is hard for the consumer to see the true price they are paying in APR. The emphasis is on convenience.
On website advertisements rates of payback are not always advertised clearly but are only available to see in the frequently asked questions section, a practice that is against all guidelines but is commonly seen in the industry.
On social networking sites, advertisements specifically target young people. Early in 2012, one well known lender came under criticism from the National Union of Students following its advertising of loans specifically for students.
On its website Wonga was found to say that official student loans had the potential to get students in more debt than necessary, though those loans are offered at 1.5%, a fraction of the percentages of APR offered by some of the biggest and most advertised lenders. The most well-known lenders charge 3,113% (Ferratum) and even 4,214% (Wonga) APR, which can mean that 60 times the original amount borrowed is paid back.
The comments from the lender were withdrawn following criticism but students have a union to protect them. There is little to protect the most vulnerable in our communities facing a gas bill and with access to a smartphone but not a bank lender.
These advertising practices have come from North America and regulation of lenders varies from state to state. However here in Britain regulation has not changed in line with the changes in the use of such loans, and especially regarding the unfair and misleading nature of advertising and lending.
I am particularly concerned at the promotion of payday loan smartphone apps, which make no mention of interest rates during the installation process.
Irresponsible Lending
Not only are loans unfairly advertised but they are given to people without correct and sufficient checks on people’s ability to pay them back with regard to their salary, means and circumstances. It seems that even when lenders know that applicants for loans are unemployed the loans are still provided. This is a situation that does not make sense.
An unemployed West Wales man applied online for a payday loan whilst under the influence of drugs and was given a £650 loan. He was unable to pay this back and the debt grew to over £1500 with interest amounting to approximately £8 a day.
A young couple in South Wales were struggling to maintain their mortgage and other priority debts and took out five high interest loans. Due to long term ill health and unexpected illness both parties lost income and began having difficulty in meeting repayments. Incurring very high interest from these lenders added to the stress both parties’ currently poor health. Had proper assessments of the client’s financial circumstances been made it would have shown that they would not be able to afford the repayments and therefore they should not have been given the loans.
Unfair debt collection practices are also commonplace, giving no regard, it seems, to personal circumstances and problems as well as changes in circumstances.
A South Wales man had taken out a succession of payday loans. The term of the loan was repayment with interest within 31 days. He became unable to repay the loan and called the lending company to inform them he was having financial difficulties, specifying priority debts, including maintenance for his ex-partner and young children. He was told to call back in three weeks when he should make a new repayment arrangement. When he did call back he was told it was too late, money had already been taken from his account and his account had been emptied of £814. As a result he could not meet any of his priority financial commitments – including food for his children fuel bills and rent bills.
It is all too easy for the loans to become available to people, within a short space of time money is transferred into people’s bank accounts without enough though given to the ability to pay back the amount borrowed.
Widespread impact
Although loans are more traditionally associated with those who are unemployed or in low-income jobs, the downturn in the economy has led to more and more people in other groups within society coming forward with debt problems having taken out payday loans.
Ceredigion CAB has noted an increase in people beyond the ‘financial inclusion’ group coming to them for advice on payday loans. They also note that this has meant there are fewer resources available to deal with the increased number of cases.
A local group in Llanelli serving a Communities First area with a project specifically to deal with debt problems have said that more and more people are coming to them and that many are from groups that do not fit into the Communities First criteria. They note that they are “getting to the point where we might have to see only people from Communities First wards, whereas at the moment we don't turn anyone away.”
We could see a situation where people not traditionally considered to be most in need will lose out and won’t have anywhere to turn.
Lack of financial education
Added to this is the lack of consumer awareness and money-management skills taught in schools. In the long term this problems needs to be addressed in order to increase the awareness of lending and borrowing that should lead to a decrease in the number of people being taken advantage of and preyed upon.
A way forward?
Most people turn to payday loans or unsecured personal loans after being refused a loan by banks, and feel they have nowhere else to turn. People need to become more aware of the other options available to them. Take for instance Credit Unions and initiatives that lend money to disadvantaged people. Worldwide there are 49,000 credit unions in 97 countries serving 184 million people. Wales’ 22 credit unions, currently offers support to 42,000 people but they must be given support by public bodies to reach those in need of their help.
Moneyline Cymru is another example of such a scheme, backed by numerous housing associations and lending £3.625m to customers who would not be able to access loans from mainstream banks, at a low interest rate. They estimate that through their work they have saved £2.18m of debt interest. They also encourage customers to save and provide savings accounts to enable this as well as providing a money and debt advisor to all customers. This can only educate people and ensure that they are not trapped in debt but can move themselves forward.
In the short term people need to be made aware of the practices of these lenders but in the long term people need to be educated in order not to fall prey to lenders offering a quick fix with unknown consequences.
Taking into account the fact that wages have been frozen in many sectors, unemployment is on the increase and the cost of living increasing all the time it is of little wonder that more and more people are turning to quick-fix loans.
On the floor of the Senedd (National Assembly of Wales) I put forward a motion that noted the increase in the number of high interest payday loans being taken out and the increased ease of access to such accounts. It called for the government and local authorities to work with the third sector to offer viable alternatives to such companies and to alert citizens to the real cost of the loans offered. The motion got cross-party support and was carried unanimously.
Background
In my work with with advice groups it had become clear that the number of cases of people taking out payday loans has increased. The CAB notes that nationally some 4% of their debt clients now have payday loans, compared to 1% in early 2009. Here in Wales, in 2010-2011 Powys CAB negotiated nearly £9million of debt on behalf of clients. A third of this - £2.7 million – was unsecured personal loans.
There is also an increase in the number of people using payday loans to pay for other loans and to deal with financial difficulty they are already experiencing. Due to the high interest rate of payday loans there have been cases of people taking out multiple loans, suing one to pay for the other, ending with their debt spiralling out of control.
The CAB have noted that they have had cases where people come in, and they have paid off a payday loan with another payday loan, one man found himself with six loans and owing close to £4,000.
CAB notes that 40% of people coming to them with payday loan debt have another high-cost credit loan and on average, those with payday loans tended to have eight loans in total while those not using payday loans had a total of five debts. It seems therefore that that people facing long-term financial difficulty with other debs are more likely to take out a payday loan to try and deal with these problems.
Marketing of payday loans
It is easy to come across advertisement of such loans they feature on peak time commercial breaks on some of the most watched television programmes and are seen by many on social networking sites, including young people.
All these advertisements highlight how easy it is to get hold of a loan, how quickly the money will be in the bank and the amount paid back is mentioned in £20s or £30s, making it is hard for the consumer to see the true price they are paying in APR. The emphasis is on convenience.
On website advertisements rates of payback are not always advertised clearly but are only available to see in the frequently asked questions section, a practice that is against all guidelines but is commonly seen in the industry.
On social networking sites, advertisements specifically target young people. Early in 2012, one well known lender came under criticism from the National Union of Students following its advertising of loans specifically for students.
On its website Wonga was found to say that official student loans had the potential to get students in more debt than necessary, though those loans are offered at 1.5%, a fraction of the percentages of APR offered by some of the biggest and most advertised lenders. The most well-known lenders charge 3,113% (Ferratum) and even 4,214% (Wonga) APR, which can mean that 60 times the original amount borrowed is paid back.
The comments from the lender were withdrawn following criticism but students have a union to protect them. There is little to protect the most vulnerable in our communities facing a gas bill and with access to a smartphone but not a bank lender.
These advertising practices have come from North America and regulation of lenders varies from state to state. However here in Britain regulation has not changed in line with the changes in the use of such loans, and especially regarding the unfair and misleading nature of advertising and lending.
I am particularly concerned at the promotion of payday loan smartphone apps, which make no mention of interest rates during the installation process.
Irresponsible Lending
Not only are loans unfairly advertised but they are given to people without correct and sufficient checks on people’s ability to pay them back with regard to their salary, means and circumstances. It seems that even when lenders know that applicants for loans are unemployed the loans are still provided. This is a situation that does not make sense.
An unemployed West Wales man applied online for a payday loan whilst under the influence of drugs and was given a £650 loan. He was unable to pay this back and the debt grew to over £1500 with interest amounting to approximately £8 a day.
A young couple in South Wales were struggling to maintain their mortgage and other priority debts and took out five high interest loans. Due to long term ill health and unexpected illness both parties lost income and began having difficulty in meeting repayments. Incurring very high interest from these lenders added to the stress both parties’ currently poor health. Had proper assessments of the client’s financial circumstances been made it would have shown that they would not be able to afford the repayments and therefore they should not have been given the loans.
Unfair debt collection practices are also commonplace, giving no regard, it seems, to personal circumstances and problems as well as changes in circumstances.
A South Wales man had taken out a succession of payday loans. The term of the loan was repayment with interest within 31 days. He became unable to repay the loan and called the lending company to inform them he was having financial difficulties, specifying priority debts, including maintenance for his ex-partner and young children. He was told to call back in three weeks when he should make a new repayment arrangement. When he did call back he was told it was too late, money had already been taken from his account and his account had been emptied of £814. As a result he could not meet any of his priority financial commitments – including food for his children fuel bills and rent bills.
It is all too easy for the loans to become available to people, within a short space of time money is transferred into people’s bank accounts without enough though given to the ability to pay back the amount borrowed.
Widespread impact
Although loans are more traditionally associated with those who are unemployed or in low-income jobs, the downturn in the economy has led to more and more people in other groups within society coming forward with debt problems having taken out payday loans.
Ceredigion CAB has noted an increase in people beyond the ‘financial inclusion’ group coming to them for advice on payday loans. They also note that this has meant there are fewer resources available to deal with the increased number of cases.
A local group in Llanelli serving a Communities First area with a project specifically to deal with debt problems have said that more and more people are coming to them and that many are from groups that do not fit into the Communities First criteria. They note that they are “getting to the point where we might have to see only people from Communities First wards, whereas at the moment we don't turn anyone away.”
We could see a situation where people not traditionally considered to be most in need will lose out and won’t have anywhere to turn.
Lack of financial education
Added to this is the lack of consumer awareness and money-management skills taught in schools. In the long term this problems needs to be addressed in order to increase the awareness of lending and borrowing that should lead to a decrease in the number of people being taken advantage of and preyed upon.
A way forward?
Most people turn to payday loans or unsecured personal loans after being refused a loan by banks, and feel they have nowhere else to turn. People need to become more aware of the other options available to them. Take for instance Credit Unions and initiatives that lend money to disadvantaged people. Worldwide there are 49,000 credit unions in 97 countries serving 184 million people. Wales’ 22 credit unions, currently offers support to 42,000 people but they must be given support by public bodies to reach those in need of their help.
Moneyline Cymru is another example of such a scheme, backed by numerous housing associations and lending £3.625m to customers who would not be able to access loans from mainstream banks, at a low interest rate. They estimate that through their work they have saved £2.18m of debt interest. They also encourage customers to save and provide savings accounts to enable this as well as providing a money and debt advisor to all customers. This can only educate people and ensure that they are not trapped in debt but can move themselves forward.
In the short term people need to be made aware of the practices of these lenders but in the long term people need to be educated in order not to fall prey to lenders offering a quick fix with unknown consequences.
Monday 6 February 2012
Supporting Elin Jones for Leader of Plaid Cymru on a joint ticket
I accepted nominations and support as a leadership candidate because of three key beliefs.
Firstly, that it was time for the party’s leadership to move down the years to the post-devolution generation.
Secondly, that the party should be led from its centre of gravity, which is itself left of centre in the European political tradition, and
Thirdly, that I could be the leader to meet those two aims and increase the appeal of the party in all parts of Wales.
Since engaging with party members and in several informal hustings meetings, I have been convinced that the majority of the party agrees with me on the first two aims.
Achieving the third in a crowded field has been more difficult. As the most recent Assembly Member in the contest I have had a lot of ground to cover and make up. It’s been gratifying nevertheless to see a great deal of support for me. However, the most signal feature of the current election in Plaid Cymru is the fact that so many branches, constituencies and members are undecided and are seeking real direction. It has become clear to me that the majority of our members want a leader who will focus on building our nation’s economy; sustaining its environment and growing the support for independence in a credible way.
One thing is for certain, Plaid Cymru will not achieve government or electoral success by playing Fisher Price politics with people’s hopes and dreams.
Both Elin and I offer such a vision. I believe that by combining our experience, talents and different types of appeal we can work together to give the party the kind of direction and leadership it clearly needs.
Elin has succeeded in gaining considerable support. I congratulate her on that, and today I announce that I will withdraw my candidacy in order to support her as her deputy on a joint ticket. I ask the party now to trust the next credible generation of Plaid politicians to take us forward under Elin’s leadership.
Firstly, that it was time for the party’s leadership to move down the years to the post-devolution generation.
Secondly, that the party should be led from its centre of gravity, which is itself left of centre in the European political tradition, and
Thirdly, that I could be the leader to meet those two aims and increase the appeal of the party in all parts of Wales.
Since engaging with party members and in several informal hustings meetings, I have been convinced that the majority of the party agrees with me on the first two aims.
Achieving the third in a crowded field has been more difficult. As the most recent Assembly Member in the contest I have had a lot of ground to cover and make up. It’s been gratifying nevertheless to see a great deal of support for me. However, the most signal feature of the current election in Plaid Cymru is the fact that so many branches, constituencies and members are undecided and are seeking real direction. It has become clear to me that the majority of our members want a leader who will focus on building our nation’s economy; sustaining its environment and growing the support for independence in a credible way.
One thing is for certain, Plaid Cymru will not achieve government or electoral success by playing Fisher Price politics with people’s hopes and dreams.
Both Elin and I offer such a vision. I believe that by combining our experience, talents and different types of appeal we can work together to give the party the kind of direction and leadership it clearly needs.
Elin has succeeded in gaining considerable support. I congratulate her on that, and today I announce that I will withdraw my candidacy in order to support her as her deputy on a joint ticket. I ask the party now to trust the next credible generation of Plaid politicians to take us forward under Elin’s leadership.
Tynnu nol o'r ras am Arweinyddiaeth Plaid Cymru a chefnogi Elin Jones ar y cyd
Derbyniais enwebiadau a chefnogaeth fel ymgeisydd ar gyfer yr arweinyddiaeth oherwydd tri phrif amcan.
Yn gyntaf oll, ei bod hi’n bryd i arweinyddiaeth y blaid symud ymlaen i’r genhedlaeth ol-ddatganoli.
Yn ail, bod yn rhaid arwain y blaid o’i chanol, sydd ynddo’i hunan i’r chwith ar y sbectrwm gwleidyddol Ewropeaidd.
Ac yn drydydd, fy mod i’n medru bod yn arweinydd i gyflawni’r amcanion hynny gan gynyddu apêl y blaid ymhob rhan o Gymru.
Yn ystod yr wythnosau diwethaf, wrth ymwneud a thrafod gydag aelodau, rwyf wedi fy argyhoeddi bod mwyafrif llethol y blaid yn cytuno a mi ar y ddau amcan cyntaf.
Mae cyflawni’r trydydd mewn maes llawn ymgeiswyr wedi bod yn fwy o her. Fel yr Aelod Cynulliad mwyaf diweddar yn y maes, bu llawer o dir i mi ei ennill. Mae hi wedi bod yn galonogol serch hynny i weld y gefnogaeth i mi yn tyfu. Ond, y peth mwyaf nodweddiadol am yr etholiad presennol yn y Blaid yw’r ffaith fod cynifer o ganghennau, etholaethau ac aelodau heb benderfynu ac yn amlwg yn deisyf cyfarwyddyd cryf. Mae’n amlwg i mi fod mwyafrif o’n haelodau yn dymuno cael arweinydd a fydd yn canolbwyntio ar adeiladu economi ein cenedl; ar gynnal ei hamgylchfyd ac ar gynyddu’r gefnogaeth dros annibyniaeth mewn ffordd gredadwy.
Un peth sydd yn siŵr - ni fydd Plaid Cymru yn cyrraedd llywodraeth na llwyddiant etholiadol drwy chwarae gemau gwleidyddol gyda breuddwydion a gobeithiol pobl.
Mae Elin a minnau yn cynnig gweledigaeth o’r fath. Rwy’n credu yn awr y dylsen ni gyfuno ein profiad, talentau a’n hapêl wahanol i gyd-weithio a cheisio uno’r blaid. Gyda’n gilydd, gallwn ni gynnig y cyfarwyddyd a’r arweiniad y mae’r blaid ei angen.
Cafodd Elin gryn dipyn o gefnogaeth. Rwy’n ei llongyfarch ar hynny, ac heddiw felly datganaf y byddaf yn tynnu fy enw yn ôl, er mwyn ei chefnogi hi fel arweinydd fel ei dirprwy. Rwy’n gofyn yn awr i’r blaid ymddiried yn y genhedlaeth nesaf o wleidyddion Plaid Cymru i fynd a ni ymlaen o dan arweinyddiaeth Elin Jones.
Yn gyntaf oll, ei bod hi’n bryd i arweinyddiaeth y blaid symud ymlaen i’r genhedlaeth ol-ddatganoli.
Yn ail, bod yn rhaid arwain y blaid o’i chanol, sydd ynddo’i hunan i’r chwith ar y sbectrwm gwleidyddol Ewropeaidd.
Ac yn drydydd, fy mod i’n medru bod yn arweinydd i gyflawni’r amcanion hynny gan gynyddu apêl y blaid ymhob rhan o Gymru.
Yn ystod yr wythnosau diwethaf, wrth ymwneud a thrafod gydag aelodau, rwyf wedi fy argyhoeddi bod mwyafrif llethol y blaid yn cytuno a mi ar y ddau amcan cyntaf.
Mae cyflawni’r trydydd mewn maes llawn ymgeiswyr wedi bod yn fwy o her. Fel yr Aelod Cynulliad mwyaf diweddar yn y maes, bu llawer o dir i mi ei ennill. Mae hi wedi bod yn galonogol serch hynny i weld y gefnogaeth i mi yn tyfu. Ond, y peth mwyaf nodweddiadol am yr etholiad presennol yn y Blaid yw’r ffaith fod cynifer o ganghennau, etholaethau ac aelodau heb benderfynu ac yn amlwg yn deisyf cyfarwyddyd cryf. Mae’n amlwg i mi fod mwyafrif o’n haelodau yn dymuno cael arweinydd a fydd yn canolbwyntio ar adeiladu economi ein cenedl; ar gynnal ei hamgylchfyd ac ar gynyddu’r gefnogaeth dros annibyniaeth mewn ffordd gredadwy.
Un peth sydd yn siŵr - ni fydd Plaid Cymru yn cyrraedd llywodraeth na llwyddiant etholiadol drwy chwarae gemau gwleidyddol gyda breuddwydion a gobeithiol pobl.
Mae Elin a minnau yn cynnig gweledigaeth o’r fath. Rwy’n credu yn awr y dylsen ni gyfuno ein profiad, talentau a’n hapêl wahanol i gyd-weithio a cheisio uno’r blaid. Gyda’n gilydd, gallwn ni gynnig y cyfarwyddyd a’r arweiniad y mae’r blaid ei angen.
Cafodd Elin gryn dipyn o gefnogaeth. Rwy’n ei llongyfarch ar hynny, ac heddiw felly datganaf y byddaf yn tynnu fy enw yn ôl, er mwyn ei chefnogi hi fel arweinydd fel ei dirprwy. Rwy’n gofyn yn awr i’r blaid ymddiried yn y genhedlaeth nesaf o wleidyddion Plaid Cymru i fynd a ni ymlaen o dan arweinyddiaeth Elin Jones.
Friday 20 January 2012
Debate on NHS accountability and centralisation 18 Jan 2012
Simon Thomas: The record will show, of course, that Plaid Cymru invested heavily in local health services, including those in Bronglais and throughout mid and west Wales, which is where I shall centre my contribution. There was investment in the Prince Philip Hospital, in Bronglais and in our district general hospitals. That shows the reality of Plaid Cymru in Government, rather than the posturing of the Conservatives, who are actually cutting the Welsh budget.
However, what we are focusing on today is accountability—
Darren Millar: You refer to our cutting the Welsh budget; do you accept that your posturing about independence for Wales would see a massive axe taken to the cash available for public services in the future?
Simon Thomas: Surprisingly enough, Darren, no, I do not. [“Laughter.”] What independence would bring to us, no doubt, is more accountability and, hopefully a Minister who would stand up for her responsibilities. I have to say that I find it deeply strange that the Labour Party is prepared to see £5 billion of public money spent without their Ministers, as elected politicians, deciding how it is spent. They are washing their hands of the Labour Party’s greatest achievement—because there is no doubt that the national health service is Labour’s greatest single achievement in Government. I do not quibble with that, and I do not quibble with Aneurin Bevan’s role in that. However, I do quibble with a Labour Party that is now prepared to let unelected appointees from outside Wales decide what happens to the NHS in Wales, without taking the responsibility for the spending of that money. Aneurin Bevan famously said that he would get the NHS if he had to stuff the consultants’ mouths with gold; that is what is happening in Hywel Dda Local Health Board at the moment, with the private consultants who are coming in to give advice without local people having a say. The LHB paid £1,000 a day for Sir Jonathan Ashbridge, who is actually employed by Heywood, Middleton and Rochdale Primary Care Trust, to tell us in Hywel Dda, without any consultation with local people, how to run community care. The result was 20 medical beds cut overnight in Llanelli Hospital. That is what happens when you pay consultants of that kind £1,000 a day and stuff their mouths with gold.
What do the LHB’s spokespeople say about this? None of them are named. You cannot get hold of any of them. None of them, as Elin Jones pointed out, are really prepared to engage with local representatives. Very few of them actually live in the Hywel Dda area, knowing that their older people will be subject to the issues in that area later in their lives.
We are told that this is scaremongering. Back in September 2010 the then Minister for health said that this was pure scaremongering.
'It is pure scaremongering—I can absolutely say on the record that the service is safe—there will be no changes to the A&E unit in Llanelli’.
That is what she said. A year down the line, everyone here knows that there have been changes to the accident and emergency unit in Llanelli. There have also been changes to the minor injuries units in Tenby, Pwllheli and Pembroke Dock. We are told that those are temporary, but we are not told when that will come to an end. The Minister may recall that I wrote to her and pointed out the problems with ambulance services in the area. I asked how she could expect people to attend Withybush or Glangwili when their local minor injuries unit had been closed because of a problem with ambulance services. She wrote back saying that there was no problem with ambulance services; none whatsoever. So, Nia Griffiths MP is wrong when she talks about
'some very worrying examples of long waits for an ambulance’.
She is wrong when she says, just today in the “Llanelli Star”, that there is a knock-on effect in the time that people have to wait before an ambulance gets to them. The Minister says one thing, Labour MPs say another, and Labour AMs say another, and vote another way. Locally, people say something different again.
Keith Davies “rose”—
Simon Thomas: Keith, I welcome the opportunity for you to clarify your position on this.
Keith Davies: I just want to quote Helen Mary Jones on 20 April:
'We’re not talking about freezing the services and keeping everything exactly the same. We know that some specialist services will need to be provided in one place and some in others’.
That is your party’s position.
Simon Thomas: That refers to the breast cancer facilities that have come into Llanelli and been strengthened. That is a good thing. There is nothing wrong with specialist services being strengthened, but you are in charge now, and your Minister has to take responsibility for £5 billion. There is an accountability gap—there is no doubt that the leader of the Welsh Liberal Democrats was right to point that out. We do not necessarily need to go back to smaller areas, but we do need to look at what is happening in Scotland, where locally accountable politicians are going on to their health boards in order to ensure better accountability. The sum of £5 billion of public money demands a damn sight more scrutiny and accountability, from the Minister right down to the local health board.
However, what we are focusing on today is accountability—
Darren Millar: You refer to our cutting the Welsh budget; do you accept that your posturing about independence for Wales would see a massive axe taken to the cash available for public services in the future?
Simon Thomas: Surprisingly enough, Darren, no, I do not. [“Laughter.”] What independence would bring to us, no doubt, is more accountability and, hopefully a Minister who would stand up for her responsibilities. I have to say that I find it deeply strange that the Labour Party is prepared to see £5 billion of public money spent without their Ministers, as elected politicians, deciding how it is spent. They are washing their hands of the Labour Party’s greatest achievement—because there is no doubt that the national health service is Labour’s greatest single achievement in Government. I do not quibble with that, and I do not quibble with Aneurin Bevan’s role in that. However, I do quibble with a Labour Party that is now prepared to let unelected appointees from outside Wales decide what happens to the NHS in Wales, without taking the responsibility for the spending of that money. Aneurin Bevan famously said that he would get the NHS if he had to stuff the consultants’ mouths with gold; that is what is happening in Hywel Dda Local Health Board at the moment, with the private consultants who are coming in to give advice without local people having a say. The LHB paid £1,000 a day for Sir Jonathan Ashbridge, who is actually employed by Heywood, Middleton and Rochdale Primary Care Trust, to tell us in Hywel Dda, without any consultation with local people, how to run community care. The result was 20 medical beds cut overnight in Llanelli Hospital. That is what happens when you pay consultants of that kind £1,000 a day and stuff their mouths with gold.
What do the LHB’s spokespeople say about this? None of them are named. You cannot get hold of any of them. None of them, as Elin Jones pointed out, are really prepared to engage with local representatives. Very few of them actually live in the Hywel Dda area, knowing that their older people will be subject to the issues in that area later in their lives.
We are told that this is scaremongering. Back in September 2010 the then Minister for health said that this was pure scaremongering.
'It is pure scaremongering—I can absolutely say on the record that the service is safe—there will be no changes to the A&E unit in Llanelli’.
That is what she said. A year down the line, everyone here knows that there have been changes to the accident and emergency unit in Llanelli. There have also been changes to the minor injuries units in Tenby, Pwllheli and Pembroke Dock. We are told that those are temporary, but we are not told when that will come to an end. The Minister may recall that I wrote to her and pointed out the problems with ambulance services in the area. I asked how she could expect people to attend Withybush or Glangwili when their local minor injuries unit had been closed because of a problem with ambulance services. She wrote back saying that there was no problem with ambulance services; none whatsoever. So, Nia Griffiths MP is wrong when she talks about
'some very worrying examples of long waits for an ambulance’.
She is wrong when she says, just today in the “Llanelli Star”, that there is a knock-on effect in the time that people have to wait before an ambulance gets to them. The Minister says one thing, Labour MPs say another, and Labour AMs say another, and vote another way. Locally, people say something different again.
Keith Davies “rose”—
Simon Thomas: Keith, I welcome the opportunity for you to clarify your position on this.
Keith Davies: I just want to quote Helen Mary Jones on 20 April:
'We’re not talking about freezing the services and keeping everything exactly the same. We know that some specialist services will need to be provided in one place and some in others’.
That is your party’s position.
Simon Thomas: That refers to the breast cancer facilities that have come into Llanelli and been strengthened. That is a good thing. There is nothing wrong with specialist services being strengthened, but you are in charge now, and your Minister has to take responsibility for £5 billion. There is an accountability gap—there is no doubt that the leader of the Welsh Liberal Democrats was right to point that out. We do not necessarily need to go back to smaller areas, but we do need to look at what is happening in Scotland, where locally accountable politicians are going on to their health boards in order to ensure better accountability. The sum of £5 billion of public money demands a damn sight more scrutiny and accountability, from the Minister right down to the local health board.
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